Sir Keir Starmer visited Wales' northern region this past Thursday to announce the development of a new nuclear power station. This is a significant policy event with both local and national implications. However, the PM did not devote much time in Wales to advocating solutions for the UK's energy needs. Rather, he used the time attempting to draw a line under the Labour leadership briefing row, telling journalists that No 10 had not undermined the health secretary’s ambitions in recent days.
Therefore, Sir Keir’s day served as a small-scale example of what his prime ministership has evolved into overall. On the one hand, he wants his government to be performing, and to be seen to be doing, important things. Conversely, he is unable to achieve this because of the manner he – and, partly, the nation as a whole – now practices political and governmental affairs.
The Prime Minister is unable to transform the culture of politics on his own, but he is able to do something about his personal involvement in it. The simple truth is that he could run the government's core much more effectively than he does. Should he achieve this, he might find that the country was in less despair about his government than it currently is, and that he was getting his messages across more effectively.
Some of the issues in Number 10 relate to individuals. The personal dynamics of any No 10 regime are difficult to discern accurately from the exterior. Yet it appears clear that Sir Keir fails to make sound staffing decisions, or maintain them. Maybe he is overly occupied. Possibly he lacks genuine interest. However, he must to up his game, avoid slow progress or by halves.
Every prime minister spend too much time abroad and on international matters, areas where Sir Keir ought to assign more tasks, and too little conversing with parliamentarians and listening to the citizens. Premiers also allocate too much time engaging with the press, which Sir Keir worsens by performing inadequately. Yet leaders cannot express surprise when their politically appointed staff, who tend to be party loyalists or ambitious in politics, overstep boundaries or become the story, as Mr McSweeney has recently.
The biggest issues, though, are structural. It would be good to believe that Sir Keir reviewed the a think tank's March 2024 report on reforming the government's central operations. His inability to address these matters last July or since suggests he did not. The often abject performance of the Labour administration suggests recommendations like reorganizing the functions of the central government office and Downing Street, and separating the positions of top official and head of the civil service, are currently critical.
The dominant political role of PMs greatly exceeds the assistance provided to them. As a result, all aspects suffer, and much is done badly or neglected.
This is not Sir Keir’s fault alone. He is the victim of past failures as well as the architect of present ones. But those who hoped Sir Keir would take control of the core and take the machinery of government seriously have been disappointed. Unfortunately, the primary casualty from this failure is Sir Keir himself.